Malaysia and the Mindanao
peace process
By Carlos Isagani T. Zarate

"LOOK at the region-if the Philippines or the parties were looking for a mediator, who could it be? Indochina was out because of the Philcag role there. Indonesia was in no position with its internal problems. Singapore has no credibility with Islamic groups. Brunei is a non-player. Thailand has its own Muslim separatist problem. It's almost a role cut out for Malaysia," Malaysian academic, Khoo Boo Teik, said in June 2001 during an interview by peace advocate and legal scholar Soliman Santos.

Khoo Boo Teik's comments were included in Santos' revised treatise on the role of Malaysia as mediator in the on and off peace negotiations between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Though expressed almost two years ago, the Malaysian academic's statements still aptly portrayed the closely linked yet dichotomized interests of the Philippines and Malaysia, which, since 2001, already played host to the GRP-MILF peace panels. With Malaysia's active role, issues like the Sabah claim-a long-time thorn in Philippine-Malaysia relations-is temporarily taking a backseat.

Interestingly, both countries are presently in the thick of elections.

Malaysia's ruling party Umno now under the leadership of Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Dr. Mohamad Mahathir's successor, is facing strong challenges from the main Islamic opposition party, Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), and others like the one headed by the wife of jailed former Deputy Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

Back at home, the Macapagal administration is similarly facing neck-and-neck challenges in an election where issues like competence in governance, peace and order, corruption, cronyism, poverty, economy and sovereignty, among others, are giving way to a pure popularity contest and hype.

Although, Malaysia may be less likely to suffer the so-called "Spanish Syndrome" because of its strong stand against the US-led "coalition of the willing," it cannot be discounted that the Philippines is in the target-range for terroristic attacks, especially during the election period.

Despite the optimistic assurances, the present administration cannot be too assured that it will not suffer the fate of outgoing Spanish Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar, who, like President Macapagal-Arroyo, was an early zealous backer of the US-led Iraq invasion.

Yet, whatever may be the results of the two elections, their outcome will have some effect in the course of the talks for peace in Mindanao and in the bilateral relations of the two countries. In his treatise, Santos cited several sources who concluded that a "peaceful solution" to the MILF rebellion is not only in the best interest of the Philippines but more so for Malaysia. In several pronouncements with reference to the GRP-MILF peace talks, Malaysian officials are one in saying that the problem in Mindanao "has become part of our national interest."

Economic and security concerns like the influx of Filipino refugees (both economic ones and those displaced by war) in Sabah, the terror activities of the Abu Sayyaf and the fight against globalization are among the common reasons cited why Malaysia is keen on achieving a comprehensive resolution to the peace talks.

Beyond these concerns, Santos curiously observed that the Philippine claim on Sabah has been muted. But before he died, MILF chairperson Hashim Salamat, "among the key players in the tripartite equation," had candidly said that "Malaysia is hoping that if she could play (an) important role in ending the conflict between the warring nations, the Sabah claim may be dropped or delayed indefinitely."

"Sabah is an important factor in the Mindanao conflict and peace process if only because of geographical (aside from historical) proximity," Santos said. "Mindanao is so near Sabah, any war in Mindanao will result in the influx of refugees and the social problems they bring to Sabah. But aside from such external inroads, there are also internal dynamics involved. One Malaysian academic points to the need to understand the politics of Sabah, as the only state with a rotation of ruling parties. Since most of the refugees are Muslims, their influx may be disadvantageous to the non-Muslim political parties. As it is, already about one-third of the population in Sabah are Filipino descendants.

"And so there is a demographic (aside from geographic) dimension involved," Santos noted.

These internal dynamics are also at play in the rest of Malaysia. Being predominantly Muslim, there is a natural concern in Malaysia for the Moro Muslims in the Philippines.

The ruling party Umno, Santos said, must show that it is helping the Muslim Filipinos, especially since it has "lost significant votes" to PAS in recent elections.

As to the timing of the Malaysian "mediation," Santos noted that the Sipadan hostage crisis and the Philippine government's "all-out wars" became the "catalysts or wake-up calls." "With the former, there was some fear about things getting out of hand. With the latter, it was better for the Malaysian government to take the initiative before the conflict goes beyond control."

* * *

IBP NOTES: The IBP-Davao City Chapter is sponsoring a two-day Mandatory Continuing Legal Education seminar on March 29 and 30 at the Davao Trade and Convention Center. Interested parties may get in touch with the IBP-Davao Office at tel. nos. (082) 296-00-70 and 299-07-53.

Comments at karlos_z23@hotmail.com and kar_laws@yahoo.com